Sonny Rollins, Don Cherry, Henry Grimes and Billy Higgins
Grimes and Cherry are sloppy which only shows off Rollins' precision. Higgens doesn't match him but he's sharp.
We have attempted to identify the distinctive goods realized by the family and thereby to provide the basis for a distinction between legitimate and excessive parental partiality, deriving, in a way that we have not seen attempted before, the content of particular reasons for action from the goods realized by a particular kind of relationship.I think I'm going to write an article too I'll call it: The Dangers of Intimacy. There are plenty. If he thought about it Brighouse would realize that partiality begins with proximity. Proximity precedes partiality. And even before that what exists is the tension between ourselves and others. But tension is a perception and science is interested in objects, so Brighouse wants to find the rule that resolves the mere perception. He wants to find "the truth."
And in the end -- and here I've borrowed John Kenneth Galbraith's concept of "countervailing power" -- the New Deal produced a state that, rather than trying to arrogate decisionmaking power to itself, worked to make sure that individuals and associations had greater bargaining power for themselves than they otherwise would have. As Robert Wagner said, you make sure the unions have power so the government doesn't; "[W]e intend to rely upon democratic self-help by industry and labor instead of courting the pitfalls of an arbitrary or totalitarian state."Short answer: No.
So the question one might ask here is, what happened to the principle of countervailing power after the New Deal? Did it remain a core concept of American politics, and if so, for how long?
Countervailing power or in other terms: institutionalized adversarialism. And that as opposed to the enlightened leadership of a technocratic elite. But both Paul Krugman and Newt Gingrich grew up dreaming of being Hari Seldon, the intellectual hero of Isaac Asimov's 1950's intellectual trash fiction Foundation novels. Celebrations of academic rationalism, dreams of technocratic utopia and the fire under the ass of Sputnik all moved us away from adversarialism.The partisanship of lawyers in a courtroom is the the partisanship of gamesmanship not destruction. As I wrote a while ago in a related context "What holds the relationship together is not laws but trust. Trust is a sphere or a zone of ambiguity, not a rule. When rules are all that’s left it’s over."
All that was left by the late 50's was a fetishizing of rebellion. But adversarialism is gamesmanship, and gamesmanship seems noncommittal and unserious. There was a real disconnect between the lower middle class rank and file of the black civil rights movement and its middle class white fanbase. As there was a disconnect, a break, between the early and late 60's.
Read George Santayana on the Genteel Tradition in American culture. The liberal elite tends to be more well intentioned than interested in democracy.
Enlightened reason is still their model, and the recent victory over idiocy has given the "enlightened" more authority than ever. Who's their countervailing power now?
It is, at its root, a case for frequent re-examination of one’s assumptions about the world and for a readiness to spot and exploit moments of cataclysmic change – those times when our perceptions of events and events themselves are likely to interact most fiercely.Ignoring the silly preoccupation with exploiting opportunity, it's a model description of a self-aware intelligence.
“You like the game?” Soros asked his host with a smile.
“Yes,” the white-haired Bergman replied.
Then, in a flash of the competitive spirit that makes Soros an avid skier and player of tennis and chess, Soros asked: “And how old are you?”
“I’m 78,” Soros replied. “But what’s the use of good health if it doesn’t buy you money?” The vigorous septuagenarians flashed each other a complicit smile.